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THE SPANISH WAR 


AN ADDRESS 


Before the Reunion Society of Vermont Officers^ at Montpelier, 
October 26, J898. 


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j . G, McCullough. 

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29040 


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THE SPANISH WAR. 


Gentlemen of the Officers’ Reunion Society, Lirdies <ind 

Gentlemen : 

1‘or a ^encrati(ju oi' more V’oii ha^’c been hol(lin<r noui annual 
reunions and have been accustomed to listen to al)le and interest¬ 
ing addresses ii])on themes more or less closely related to the War 
of the Rebellion. That was a great war—great in the numbers 
involved, great in the sacrifices made, great in the principles at 
stake, great in the results attained. It was a domestic war. This 
year we have been engaged in a foreign war. It is our first foreign 
war since we l)ecame firmly established as one of the great powers 
of the world. 

It woidd seem from our historv tliat aI)out e\’ery generation lias 
its war. 

First came the Revolution, which made us an independent 
nation. That was a revolt against authoritv and goxernment, so 
wisely conducted that upon the ruins of the government destroved 
our forefathers erected a Representative Republic, with the rights 
of life, liberty and property so deeply planted in its soil and so 
firmly imbedded in its Constitution, that our institutions have out¬ 
lived all the political and social changes of the 19th Century; and 
if we and our posterity continue to exercise the same wise foresight 
the future centuries will but record the glowing glories of the 
growing Republic. 

The next generation brought us the War of 1812. It was the 
natural outgrowth of the failure of Great Britain to carry out the 
stipulations of the Treaty of 1783. The field of this war was 
chiefly upon the water, and it was there that the victories of Hull 
and Bainbridge and Macdonough and Decatur and Berry shed new 
luster upon our flag. And as in the Revolution we conquered an 
independence upon land, so by the War of 1812 we conquered 
an independence upon sea. 

The next generation gave us the Mexican War. Slavery was 
the cause of this war. It was inaugurated in the interest of 
human bondage, and it was but one step in a series of acts tq 


extend that institution over tree territory and brin^ under its 
baneful inHuence some of the fairest portions of this tair land. 
.\s proof, we have l)ut to recall the enactment of the Missouri 
Compromise, the annexation of Texas, the Mexican war, the 
lilibustering schemes of the buccaneers, Lopez and Walker, the 
(tstend Conference, the repeal of the Compromise, the contests 
upon the plains of Kansas, the Lecompton Constitution, the 
Dred vSeott decision, and, finally, before another generation had 
fnllv dawned, the dread appeal to the sword in the unholy crusade 
to overthrow free government. The Civil War revealed to our 
peo]:)le and to the world the strength of our Federal Lbiion. At 
the time when the martial tread of our armies was rocking this 
earth, in the very midst of the gigantic struggle that made our 
globe reel with its convulsions, and that cost hundreds of thousands 
of lives, and thousands of millions of treasure, this Government 
liad the courage and the strength to strike the shackles from four 
millions of slaves, scattered over numerous States, and still was 
able to uphold and maintain the sujDreme authority of the Union 
throughout all its wdde borders, and serenely and majestically to 
march on in its wonderful career upward and onward of national 
growth and splendor; and wdien the conHict was over, to present 
to mankind the unparalleled and sublime spectacle of quietly 
disbanding its mightv armies, whose members once again became 
the peaceful and prosperous citizens of a free republic. 

Daniel Webster’s reply to llayne was an Amendment to the 
Constitution. “The inexorable logic of events” for the four 
years of Civil War vindicated the logic and the majestic speech of 
the great expounder, and the Amendment was ratified at Vicksburg 
and Gettysburg. The problems of the Lhiion and the Constitution 
were solved and settled at Appomattox. 

vSince then a third of a century has passed. Since then a new 
generation has come to manhood. During these vears questions 
of re-construction, of tariff, of ci^'il service reform, of different 
systems of currency, of improvement in the government of cities, 
have occupied the attention of our people. 

But our ]:)eople are Anglo-Saxon. In their blood is the spirit 
of enterprise and adventure. We belong to a race whose restless 
energies for a thousand years have been the chief agenev in 
extending and advancing the civilization of the world. 


5 


All at once the Cuban question became acute in our politics. 
True, we had had with us the Cuban question for more than 
ninety years. While disappearing at times it would on occasions 
break out afresh, and has contributed many pages of controversy 
to our diplomatic history. It could hardly be otherwise. Two 
different and distinct types of civilization side by side. Cuba is 
within one hundred miles of our shores. The contest was bound 
to come. On the continent the Anglo-Saxon, steadily advancing 
step by step, unsettling old opinions, reforming, lifting, improv¬ 
ing, making more beneficent its aggressive and growing civilization. 
On the island was the civilization of the i6th century. Spain has' 
been asleep for three hundred years. The Reformation that stirred 
all Europe never disturbed the Peninsula. The northern boundary 
of Africa, no longer stopping at the Straits of Gibraltar, reached 
and has remained at the Pyrenees. Spain, that during the reigns 
of Charles V and Phillip II, had grown to be the most powerful 
■ empire, and held sway over the most splendid and extensive terri¬ 
tory in the Old World and in the New that was united under a 
single sovereign since the fall of the Roman Empire, took no part 
in the great movement at whose head stood Martin Luther. 

From the age of Augustus on down, the star of European 
civilization grew dimmer and dimmer, till it was lost sight of in 
the Middle Ages, when the darkness waxed blacker with each 
succeeding century and became at length so intensified that his¬ 
torians have ever been disputing whether to place the crown of 
pristine gloom upon the brow of the seventh or eighth century. 
Be it which it may, from that turning point the face of all Europe, 
save Spain, slowly grew brighter, the people gradually opened 
their eyes to their own wretched condition, felt more sensibly the 
yoke of slavery pressing upon them, rested*more uneasily under 
the intolerant superstition of the inmates of the cloister and the 
convent, took at first steps, short and feeble, but continuing to 
take them, and to make attacks still more earnest against the ex¬ 
isting hierarchV, and to repel the attempts to curb them, till the 
Austin Friar, Martin Luther, catching light from the flames of 
martyrdom that encircled John Huss, anticipating though not pro¬ 
ducing the spirit of his age, stood forth and foremost the leader 
of the army of the Reformers, the bold interpreter of his fol¬ 
lowers’ opinions and the daring advocate of their cause. That 


6 


wave lias continued to swell in volume and in force throughout the 
English-speaking world in all the succeeding generations, and is 
destined in the long reaches of the future to girdle and oc¬ 
cupy this earth. Hut throughout all this revolt Spain has lain 
<lormant and torpid. Her Cortes assembled but three times 
during the iSth century. Her days have been centuries, and, ‘as 
Ford has said, “ she has always put off everything till to-morrow, 
except bankruptcy.” The venality, the corruption, the cruelty of 
Spanish administration have pervaded and poisoned everywhere 
her governments at home or in her colonies. Her history has 
been written in lilood and in violence from the days of Alva and 
the inquisition to the days of \Teyler and the reconcentrado. No 
wonder, then, that her colonies have fallen away, and no wonder, 
after such an education, that the attempts of the emancipated col¬ 
onies at self-government have been so feeble and sickly. 

The continent and the island were too near together for such 
antagonistic systems. The conflict was inevitable. Our people 
did not want war. President jMcKinley, with signal ability and 
consummate tact, for months delayed action for debate, for re¬ 
flection, for preparation. At last the condition in Cuba became 
so intolerable, the methods so horrible, the cruelties so revolting, 
and, to consummate all, the treachery in blowing up the Maine, so 
wicked, that the country was slowly aroused and began to think 
in events, and the great heart of the Nation to swell with emotion 
and indignation, when the high resolve was Anally taken, that in 
the interests of humanity and civilization, the Cuban cancer must 
be cauterized from the bosom of the Western Hemisphere and 
Spain and the Middle Ages must leave the Americas for all time. 

Now, that we have determined that the misrule of Cuba must 
stop, let Europe remove the other disgraceful scandal of modern 
misgovernment, so that neither shall any longer deface the earth. 

The year 1898 became an epoch-making era. This nation, 
by its declaration of intervention, took a step unprecedented in 
the history of nations, but a step not wholly without moral jus- 
tiflcation. The movement was not an intervention for conquest, 
for empire, for territorial aggrandizement; it was an interven¬ 
tion in the affairs of an island that lay within hearing of our 
own shores, upon which and over which, though a bountiful Na¬ 
ture had rained all its richest gifts of climate and of soil, man had 


7 


set up a government that had not onl)’ failed to exercise the func¬ 
tions for which it was instituted, but had become a wicked and 
cruel iustrument of torture to its citizens and victims, whose cries 
reached our homes and pierced the ears and melted the hearts of 
our people. 

The step taken by this Government lifted the human race to a 
higher plane of civilization and presented the United States to the 
world in the inspiring role of the leader of nations, ami the God 
of Battles set Ilis seal of vindication upon our course^^^ 

The resolution taken, what an exhibition of the power and’ 
strength of this Government! Whatever differences existed be¬ 
fore, they were then all buried, and seventy-five millions of people 
stood behind the Administration. The two Houses of Congress, 
without a dissenting vote, and in less time than it took to draw the 
bill, had already passed an emergency appropriation of fifty mil¬ 
lions of dollars. It voted one hundred and fifty millions of addi¬ 
tional taxes. It authorized the issue of one hundred millions of 
debt certificates. It authorized a loan of four hundred millions at 
three per cent., and two hundred millions of the same was sub¬ 
scribed for from six to eight times over by the people, at par. It 
raised and equipped in an incredibly short space of time an army 
of over 300,000 men, and could as easily have put in the field ten 
times the number. Its navy was stripped for battle, aye, and was 
winning a victory, too, in far distant seas that has dimmed the. 
lustre of Trafalgar, almost before the world knew that the war 
had begun. 

America, like a mighty athlete, sprung into action, full pano¬ 
plied. Was it not of her that blind old Milton sang with pro¬ 
phetic vision more than two hundred years ago 

‘‘ iVIethinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant nation rous- 
V ing herself like a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invin¬ 
cible locks ; methinks 1 see her as an eagle mewing her mighty 
youth and kindling her undazzled eyes at the full mid-day beam.'^ 
'The declaration did in an instant for this country what a gen¬ 
eration of peace had failed to do. It blotted out the points of the 
compass. It burnt out the last spark of sectional feeling. It de¬ 
stroyed all jealousy and all heart-burning. The wave of loyalty 
that surged over the land when McKinley called to arms demon¬ 
strated that we were in very truth once again a united people. 


s 


undivided and indivisible. The flame of patriotism and of devo¬ 
tion to the flag was as steady and as bright and as intense in the 
one section as in the other. The ITue and the Gray melted into 
one color and the wearers stood shoulder to shoulder at Manila 
and at Santiago. The huzzas were just as loud and long and en¬ 
thusiastic in the South as in the North when the news of victory 
flashed over the country, whether it came from Dewey of Vermont, 
breaking the stillness of that Sabbath morning in May, in Manila 
Bay, or from Hobson of Alabama, sailing with the Merrimac into 
the jaws of death in Santiago harbor, or from Sampson of New 
York, and Schley of Maryland, dissipating Cervera’s fleet on that 

in the Cuban seas. 

Is not this new birth of national feeling, this knittnlg together 
of the great American heart, worth all that the war has cost.^ ,/ 

Another fruit of the war, and one onlv less valuable than the 
last, is the cordial good feeling that has grown up by reason of it, 
between Great Britain and the United States. There has always 
been between the two nations until this year some remnant of the 
old hostility that caused the original separation. For some rea¬ 
son, or for no reason, time and again during our history, bitter¬ 
ness has broken out between the two peoples. But during this 
war the English press, English public opinion, English public 
men of both parties, and of all classes, have uniformly spoken in 
the friendliest terms. Whenever any action was taken bv tha-t 
government it never failed to adopt such a course as redounded to 
our benefit. In its decisions on questions arising it could hardlv 
keep neutral in the struggle, and its gratification at our every suc¬ 
cess was perfectly apparent. This war has shown that we are but 
one people, but branches of that English-speaking race that is des¬ 
tined to outstrip all others in the march of civilization. We speak 
the same tongue, read the same literature, are governed by the 
same body of common law. believe in the same Bible, enjoy the 
same glorious heritage of freedom. We spring from the same 
stock. Every achievement in the past is the common property of 
each. The most brilliantly illuminated pages in the history of 
either are to-day the proudest boast of the other. Even our Rev¬ 
olution itself which wrung the brightest jewel from the diadem 
of the Georges,” but saved England to herself. Charles James 
Fox said that “the resistance of the Americans to the oppression 


other Sabbath morning in July 


9 


of the mother country un(lou])tedly preserved the liberties of man¬ 
kind.” Nothing has so developed a recognition of a feeling of 
unity and sympathy between the two nations as this war. A sen¬ 
timent of more than friendship was made manifest from the first, 
and this sentiment is and was of great potential force, for it af¬ 
fected the people of the two countries rather than the rulers. It 
was the kinship of the race finding expression, the working of a 
law higher than human institutions. IMost happy augury for civ¬ 
ilization ! For upon nothing else so much depends the welfare of 
this world and the advancement in all the arts of enlighten¬ 
ment of the future generations as upon the growth of the friend¬ 
ship and co-operation of the two branches of the English-speak¬ 
ing race. And since the termination of the war this feeling has 
become even more intense. A closer union or alliance is bound 
to be the outcome. The coincidence of material interests favors 
it. The similarity of political institutions is conducive to it. The 
community of blood is its strongest incentive. It may not be ex¬ 
pedient, it may not be desirable even, to have any formal alliance. 
There is no need to attempt to work out the details. ^ There need 
be no details. A hearty and frank and cordial understanding be¬ 
tween the two peoples, actuated by kindred aims, engaged in the 
same noble and ennobling undertakings, and moving towards a 
common destinv, is a better and stronger coalition than any paper 
treatv. An Anglo-American alliance of heart and mind, an An¬ 
glo-Saxon coalition such as this, would stand guard over the lib¬ 
erties of the race and would he the best assurance of the contin¬ 
uous march of civilization throughout the world. 

d'he war is too recent to require a rehearsal of its incidents. 
It is all fresh in your memories. It was over almost before it 
had besrini. It lasted less than ninetv days. We never met with 
a reverse. We astonished ourselves as well as poor, effete Spain. 
We were successful everywhere, not checked even anywhere. 
The triumph was unique in its very completeness. Our loss 
was nominal. Dewey, in a few hours before and after breakfast, 
swept the whole Spanish beet out of existence in the Bay of 
Manila, without the loss of a man, and with the cable working 
we had known it twelve hours before it occurred. Sampson and 
vSchley, during the forenoon, sunk and destroyed and annihilated 
Cervera’s squadron off Santiago Harbor, with the loss of one 


10 


man. Shafter belcaj^nred the Spanish city and accepted its sur¬ 
render with 23,000 men, with the loss of a few hundred. Was 
there ever such a war l)efore.^ 

Though our adversary was no match, the war has lifted us to 
a higher position in the eves of the world. It has demonstrated 
our capacitv to create and ecpiip a conquering army upon the 
shortest notice to meet the exigencies, as we supposed, of a great 
emergencv. Our militarv administration transported successfully 
three great expeditions of troops to distant foreign and tropical 
ports. Our territory was never invaded; our coasts were not 
attacked. From the date of the declaration of intervention to the 
protocol our people continued to go about their ordinary avoca¬ 
tions, and the surface of our national life remained as serene as 
during the davs of profoundest peace. 

Nor in passing must we forget the amenities of the war and 
the chivalrv of the conflict. As has been said, when before did 
a conquering nation transport across the ocean the captured army.' 
\\d'ieu before parole all the officers of a captured fleet When 
before did a nation feed, not onl}^ the victims of the crueltv of the 
enemy, but feed the forces of the enemv itself.^ 

And then how chivalric in word and in action. Whether it 
be Cervera’s generous message assuring our Admiral of Hobson’s 
safety 1 Or Captain Evans’ refusal to accept the sword of the 
commander of the \ izcava ! Or the kindlv m'eetiu"' of Wain- 
wright and Schley of the Spanish admiral that ])rought tears to 
his eyes] Or Captain Philip’s “Don’t cheer, bovs, the poor devils 
are dying!” Have not the days of Chevalier Bayard or Philip 
Sidney come again.' Is ^Vinerica the knight-errant of the nations.^ 
W e might call these the humanities of war. All these are the 
courtesies of the conflict and show the better side of our nature, 
and are in truth a protest against all war as a method to settle 
differences between nations. Franklin said, “There never was a 
good war or a bad peace. 

And it is fitting also, on this occasion and in this presence, to 
remember our own boys. .Vs in the past, so in the present, as in 
the Revolution and in the Rebellion, so in this Spanish war, 
Vermont answered to the fir.st roll-call. She never hesitates when 
her country asks. On that altar she stands ever readv to make 
any sacrifice. It was denied our regiment to fight the enemv in 


the held. It is not "iven to every soldier to fall at the head of 
the column. Not the heights of San Juan, but the depths of 
Chickamauga—not the thrilling charge, but the wasting fever, 
was the lot of our brave and gallant men. More than a score of 
them have died and still more are suffering from the diseases con¬ 
tracted in camp. Whether our heroes be dead or living, they will 
ever be cherished in the grateful remembrance of their country¬ 
men for their patriotic sacrifice. 

Now, that the war is o\'er, what are our duties and what is to 
be our policy.^ Will our victory over ourselves be equal to our 
victory over Spain.^ Is self-restraint one of the Republic’s cardinal 
virtues ? 

Though at the outset our purposes w'ere in a measure defined, 
we are not to be limited simply to the fulfillment of those promises. 
There never was a war wdiere the victor has stopped his hand at 
the satisfaction of the original demand. For years prior to the 
Revolution the grievances of the colonies w'ere agitated and no one 
thought of separation, but wdien Lexington and Concord came 
nothing could stay the sw^elling tide of independence. In the early 
stages of the Civil War it w^as declared that sla\ ery w'as not 
involved in the issue, but the contest soon grew'to such proportions 
and such intensity that only the great proclamation of freedom 
could satisfy the demand of our liberty-loving people. By the 
very nature of the law's of war the rights and obligations of the 
belligerents at the beginning are entirely changed at the end of 
hostilities. It is the situation at the end, not that at the beginning, 
that w'ill control the parties in arranging the terms of peace. 

The knottiest problem left by the w'ar to be solved is the 
Philippine problem. As I have said, these closing years of the 
19th century are epoch-making years. The world seems to have 
been turned topsy-turvy The great nations of Europe, ancient 
and modern, have heretofore fought their battles on European 
soil over European questions. All this is changed. In these 
later years France and Germany and Russia and England have 
transferred their contests to Africa and Asia. They have been 
partitioning those continents and imposing their jurisdiction over 
extensive territories and princely possessions. The great struggles 
are no longer to be fought on the ^T^gean and the Mediterranean, 
as in the past, but have been transferred to the China and Yellow' 


seas. The “ sick man” of the world is no longer Turkey, but 
China. With the Black Sea and the Baltic virtually closed, 
Russia, after a struggle of two hundred years, is to find an outlet 
over the four thousand miles of trans-Siberian railway at Port 
Arthur on the waters of the great Pacific. No longer Constanti¬ 
nople, but it is Port Arthur that troubles the dreams of British 
statesmen. And now, by Dewey’s victory, we are in the midst of 
it all, and are brought face to face with these Old World questions. 
The west and the east have met in the South China Sea. The 
great questions of our national destiny and national duty loom up 
for solution. 

One argument in favor of holding the Philippines is the material 
one. Its advocates say that it would give us the control of a 
valuable and lucrative trade. It would extend our commerce to 
distant seas. It would make us masters of the immense traffic 
traversing the Pacific Ocean, which is but in its infancy. In fine, 
the whole gorgeous east, and all the “ wealth of Ormus and Ind ” 
would be ours if we throw not away the prize. It is said that 
China, with its three or four hundred millions of people, is break¬ 
ing up, and that the four great powers of Europe are parceling 
out among themselves the Celestial Empire, and that we shall be 
left out in the reckoning, and that even the trade we now have 
with Shanghai and Hong Kong will be lost and the great possibili¬ 
ties of the future forfeited forever. Is this true? Is not this picture 
overdrawn? Is it true that trade follows the flag as much as it 
does the lowest price current ? This country is not only the granary 
of the world, but it is fast growing to be its manufacturing work¬ 
shop. This year we not only supplied our own home market, but 
our exports were greater than those of any other nation on the face 
of the globe, greater even than Britain with all her colonies. We 
had no Philippine possessions—no distant colonies. Our products 
sought and secured the markets of the colonies of other powers, 
aye, the markets of the powers themselves. We sent cars and 
steel rails to Australia and Japan. We sent steel billets to Great 
Britain. We underbid London for the steel rails of her under¬ 
ground railroads. We underbid Holland for the construction of a 
steel bridge in her own dominions. We underbid Glasgow for 
pipe in her own streets. The American bicycle, sewing machine 
and typewriter have invaded Germany and England and threaten 


13 


to monopolize their markets. Last year our exports to the United 
Kingdom were hve times as* much as our imports from there. 
Iron, steel and coal are king. We have and can produce them in 
unlimited quantities. The nation producing them at the lowest 
cost is destined to dominate the commerce of the world. To-dav 
we are marketing l^essemer pig iron at from two to three dollars 
per ton cheaper than any other nation. During the past ten years 
we have more than doubled the export of our domestic manufac¬ 
tures. We are no longer a debtor, but have become a creditor 
nation. Therefore, with sutficient naval and coaling stations in 
the Pacific, with the Nicaragua Canal, with a great navy, with a 
merchant marine such as we should and can command, we will 
successfully compete for the markets of Asia and Africa and the 
islands of the sea, and will rival or surpass Hritain herself in the 
carrying trade of the world. 

This is an imperialism worth the having ! This is the impe¬ 
rialism of trade. This is the conquest of commerce. This is the 
American invasion of the markets of the world, not merely an in¬ 
vasion of the markets of the colonies and dependencies of the other 
great powers, but of the markets of the powers themselves. Our 
“ infant industries” are fast coming of age. A broader reciproc¬ 
ity is demanded by the growing development of (nir productive en¬ 
terprises. The policy of the open door invites serious attention. 
If, however, other nations adopt the policy of spheres of influence, 
mav not we also easily provide either for open ports or spheres of 
influence in the dehnitive treaty of peace? The economic changes 
of late in our industrial condition have been so great that we can 
no longer be said to be internationally isolated, but, on the con¬ 
trary, are active participants and competitors in the serious struggle 
for industrial and commercial siq:)remacy everywhere. We are 
fast becoming the clearing house of the world. How does mere 
territorial expansion enlarge our business opportunities, while it 
surely multiplies our political dangers? 

Mr. Chamberlain. England’s Colonial Secretary, on his recent 
visit, referring directly to onr situation, has lately said, that a mag¬ 
nificent colonial policy is a good and grand thing for any country ; 
that it has made great Hritain a rich and j^rosperous and colossal 
Iiimpire upon w'hose dominions the sun never sets. ^Vnd why not 
also for America? True for England, but how different in this 


regard is the situation of England and the United vStates. 1 he 
one a little island in the North Sea, cradled in the arms of her 
mighty navy, alwa^^s kept stronger than the combined navies of 
the next two strongest powers, shielding her from attack from 
twelve million armed men across the channel, protecting her from 
all force from without; while within she is peopled with a dense 
and enterprising population, yearly raising up multitudes of young 
men, the best type of our race, for whom she finds and must find 
for her own good and for theirs, and whom she sends to, new 
homes in Canada and Australia and New Zealand, there to build 
up colonies filled with her own children, and that are destined in 
the future to outstrip this Mother of Nations in population and in 
wealth. The other, a colossal territory, separated from the Old 
^\b3rld dynasty by the Atlantic and the Pacific, stretching across a 
continent 3000 miles from ocean to ocean, occupying a belt 1500 
miles wide within the temperate zone, sparsely peopled, with only 
23 persons to the scpiare mile, while England has 370? itself ca¬ 
pable of sustaining as many, with all this magnificent domain to 
populate and develop, besides the other contiguous empires lying 
both north and south that in the long future shall receive her sur- 
plus population and are bound to gravitate to the Federal Union. 
Is there any comparison ? In addition to these colonies, which are 
really republics filled with her younger son-, and linked to the 
mother country by the ties of sentiment and filial affection, Eng¬ 
land has India and Egypt and numerous other dependencies dotting 
this world over, swarming with alien and inferior races, which Impe¬ 
rial Britain rules, with her huge governmental machine in foreign 
affairs, and must rule with an iron hand if she rules at all. She 
has a highly trained and highly paid civil service, from the ranks 
of which she draws governors at will, and who serve mostly dur¬ 
ing good behavior, and are protected and upheld by her vast mil¬ 
itary establishment. On that arm they sleep securely and awake 
daily to the music of its “ morning drum beat.” England is the 
police force of the subject races. Every year she seizes new posts, 
and every year she is widening the sweep and strengthening the 
parts of her governmental organism. An aristocracy or a mon¬ 
archy may govern dependencies, but can a democracy — and re¬ 
main a democracy.^ However grievous this burden to England, 
und however beneficent is her reign for inferior races, is it the 


15 


business for a Republic to engage in if we had the machinery? — 
a government founded on the consent of the governed? — a gov¬ 
ernment where the town meeting is the initial authority? — a gov¬ 
ernment that trains to manhood the best and strongest men? — a 
government whose creed and charter is, that it is a government of 
the people, for the people. ' 

‘We are the chief guardians and custodians of democratic in¬ 
stitutions. Notwithstanding all our shortcomings, to us is intrusted 
the privilege and u]:)on us rests the dutv of working out the prob¬ 
lem of the well-being of the race through the steadv and contin- 
U'us growth of the equalization of opportunitv. 

President Kliot has said that the five most important contribu¬ 
tions which the United States has made to civilization are “ peace¬ 
keeping, religious toleration, the development of manhood suf¬ 
frage, the welcoming of new comers and the diffusion of well¬ 
being ; ” and that '•'’in spite of the qualifications and deductions 
which every candid citizen would admit with regard to them, they 
will ever be held in the grateful remembrance of mankind.” 

How are these to be preserved, enlarged, intensified? How is 
this nation which, Abraham Lincoln said at Gettysburg, was 
conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men 
are created equal” to continue to be a '•'‘government of the peo¬ 
ple, for the people, by the people?” Have we not alwavs been 
taught that if this nation solves the problem of democratic govern¬ 
ment successfully on this continent, it will have conferred lasting 
benefits upon its own people, and by example will confer unending 
blessings upon the rest of mankind ? Is it not the highest mis¬ 
sion of the Anglo—vSaxon race to preser\'e and enlarge and energize 
Ansflo-Saxon freedom ? .Vnd is it notour share of that mission 

o 

to raise up in this Western Hemisphere for the coming generations 
of men, a free and happy and prosperous community that shall 
grow in population, in material wealth, in moral worth, in intel¬ 
lectual development, in civic virtue, as the years increase, and 
which shall stand as a living monument of Liberty Enlightening 
the World, and serve forever as an exemplar to the other nations 
of the earth, beckoning them on to the full attainment of the same 
high destiny, and in the good providence of God to the perfect 
fruition of the same sublime hope? 

To the extent that we depart from this ideal, by so much do 


we jeopardize the success of the great experiment. Our institu¬ 
tions have been the growth of centuries. Even with the race, or 
races from which we spring, it has been a matter of long and 
severe education. To last, the foundations of the structure must 
be securely laid. The great l)odv of the common people must 
understand their rights and responsibilities, and have both the in¬ 
telligence and the disposition to uphold the one and to assume the 
other. Anglo-Saxon freedom and representative government 
have been the developement of ages. The milestones on the way 
are Hastings and Runnymede and Nasby and \ orktown and 
Appomattox. 

Our forefathers have been engaged in this .struggle for 1,200 
years. From the sixth century, starting in the marshes of Lower 
Germany and running on down through all the subsequent years 
of English history and our own colonial times, our ancestors kept 
up the contest with varying measures of success. By a slow and 
wearisome process, the principle of self-government was evolved 
and developed out of these centuries of effort. From a close study 
of the progress of this movement we may discern first the rude 
primary assembly; then later the town meeting; then later still 
the county meeting, which was a crude representative assembly 
composed of the selectmen of the townships; then at later periods 
came legislative bodies and parliaments and congresses, giving a 
few centuries to each period. It was ^Martin Luther who replied 
to the Cardinal who had said to him : “ d'he Church mu.st reform, 
but step by step!” “ Yes, putting some centuries between every 
step,” said the old Reformer. And so it has ever been and so it 
will ever be. History is not made, but unfolded. It is the long 
and tedious problem of the elev'^tion of the mas.ses ; it is the ques¬ 
tion of the slow and gradual enfranchisement aiul enlightenment 
of the human intellect; and even with our Anglo-Saxon race, it 
requiied the toughening and ripening of the political fibre of our 
ancestors through the long sweep of the ages, before the great 
Declaration was promulgated in Independence Hall. The land¬ 
marks in this endless procession of events, that lift themselves in 
sublime significance, are the Magna Charta and the First House 
of Commons and the Barons’ War in the thirteenth century ; the 
Great English Rebellion in the seventeenth ; and the American 


17 


Revolution in the eighteenth century; and Lewes and Marston 
Moor and Bunker Hill tell the grand story. 

But these movements were not from the top; they were from 
the bottom; they emanated from the people. To prepare a 
nation for any great reform in religion or in government, to make 
an advance step in civilization, it is necessary first to set in motion 
the mind of the multitude, to show it its wants and to enable it to 
think for itself that it may devise means for remedying those 
wants. Break up the ground, mellow and enrich the soil before 
you scatter the seed, and the rains and the warmth of nature will 
ripen it into full ears and golden grain. It requires no deep study 
of history to convince us that to no one man is due the merit, and 
upon no one man can be cast the censure of having effected for 
better or for worse, a complete revolution in the course of human 
actions. The great river of human thought is fed by innumerable 
rivulets, and an adulteration or purification of one or a few of 
these will have little effect upon the color of the river itself. The 
English Rebellion was not the work of an hour or a day ; a whole 
society is not so shortly or so easily revolutionized. By degrees 
the people saw the errors inherited from their ancestors, were 
able to point out and appreciate the faults in their own govern¬ 
ment, could discover and feel the evils embodied in their Consti- 
tion, till thus they had educated themselves up to a knowledge of 
some of their rights and had learned to set limits to the royal 
prerogative, so that when those limits were overstepped and the 
work of the king became the oppression of the subject, then it 
was that the people found refuge from the tyranny of the throne 
by destroying the throne itself; then it was that the pent-up 
indignation of England was so great as to sanction the murder of 
its sovereign. The Revolution was successful because it was the 
revolution of the people. Oliver Cromwell was not its author—he 
was only its exponent ; it is a matter of history that its leaders 
were frohi the ranks of the people ; they were carpenters and cob¬ 
blers, tinkers and brewers ; they mingled with those who had learned 
to feel e\'erv invasion of their rights and showed they felt it by ex¬ 
pressing their discontents, and these leaders stood forth only as nu¬ 
clei around whom could rally the spirit of insubordination. Just as 
there would have been a Protestant Reformation without a Martin 
Luther, so there would have been an English Rebellion without 


iS 


an Oliver Cromwell. It is sufficieni; glory to these men, and say¬ 
ing it we say all, that they caught the first glimpses of the rising 
sun ; that they, and such as they, were the instruments by which 
the Reformation and the Rebellion were consummated. They 
were great men, but they were only men. 

And s*> our ancestors in the New World, during all the genera¬ 
tions from the Puritan exodus to 17S9, worked out their own po¬ 
litical enfranchisement through the American Revolution and the 
adoption of our Federal Constitution. Air. Gladstone’s enco¬ 
mium was, “ As the British Constitution is the most subtile organ¬ 
ism which has proceeded from progressive history, so the Ameri¬ 
can Constitution is the most wonderful work ever struck off at a 
given time bv the brain and purpose of man.” And here amid new 
surroundings, our people are to repeat on a far grander scale the 
work which our forefathers wrought in Germany and Britain. 

The theatre of our development has been on this continent, and 
with a ccnnpact, continuous territory, washed by the waters of the 
Atlantic, the Pacific and the Gulf, and within these ocean ram¬ 
parts separated from all Old World infiuences. Yet even during 
our short national existence we have been called upon to meet 
some dangers and to overcome some trying difiiculties. It re¬ 
quires constant vigilance to guard the integrity of the Republic. 
Our greatest task in preserving our institutions was to rid our¬ 
selves of African slavery. It was the cause of the Great Rebel¬ 
lion that threatened the life of the nation. The nation could not 
survive half slave and half free. It did survive, and freedom was 
triumphant. But it left four millions of former slaves the wards 
of the nation. To lift and educate and assimilate these, and to 
make them intelligent citizens of the Republic, is a labor with 
which we are still struggling. Though we conferred the right of 
suffrage, and though we reconstructed the Southern States, thus 
far our statesmanship has evolved no solution of the problem. 
The Force Bill was a failure, and nothing is clearer than that until 
the black race is raised much higher in the scale of civilization can 
it become equal partners with the white race in the government of 
the South. It will require much patience and long vears of edu¬ 
cation to enable these people to become co-heirs and joint partici¬ 
pants in the benefits of a well-regulated libertv. The process of 


19 


assimilation will be a slow one, but we have faith that it will 
eventually be accomplished. 

Indiscriminate immigration, with its great numbers of ignorant 
and polyglot subjects, has at times given many of our public men 
much concern. The fear of a Chinese irruption seized the Pacific 
States a few years since and our Congress adopted restrictive legis¬ 
lation. In both these instances and in similar ones doubtless the 
question can always be met and worked out with safetv to our 
institutions. The Indian, like the bison, seems to disappear and 
fade out of existence at the approach of our civilization. In New 
Mexico, acquired half a century ago, there is a remnant of the 
Latin races, but the gradual settlement of the country and the 
intiltration of our people will in time fit it for statehood and bring 
it into the Federal Union. Our vast province of Alaska is sub¬ 
stantially without any government. The natives there, wholly 
- neglected by us in that cold and inhospitable clime, will probably 

in time disappear as the Indian, and when the countrv is settled by 
our people doubtless new States will be carved out of the Territory. 

We now have the *Sandwich Islands wherein already lives a 
small number of our race. The prol)lem there to be solved is 
what to do with the nati^'es, the Chinese and the Japanese. Before 
a State can be erected out of these islands and safely admitted into 
the Union manv years of tutelage must pass, and yet the political 
danger of admission is ever present in a government of parties. 
The history of the admission of Nevada and many of the sparsely 
populated Silver States is ample demonstration of this fact. Per¬ 
haps the best solution is to annex them as one or more counties to 
California. 

And now, also, under the protocol, we have Porto Rico, and 
by the time we establish “a stable government ” in Cuba we shall 
have it annexed. Porto Rico is about the size of Connecticut and 
is as densely populated as jVIassachusetts. To fit the Latin people 
and the inferior races of these two islands to assume the duties of 
American citizens is an undertaking that will require all the 
resources and wise foresight of the best and most acbanced states¬ 
manship. Territorial governments will have to be instituted, 
introductory and preparatory to the erection and development (^f a 
self government after the American ideal. To aid these people in 
the formative work of setting up and maintaining the political 


20 


machinery necessary to conduct with peace and harmony and in an 
orderh' manner the affairs of a community will be our province 
and duty. 

All these possessions are, however, not far distant from our 
shores and within the sphere of American influence, and in the 
course of years must become imbued with American ideas, Amer¬ 
ican habits and customs as our enterprising and adv^enturous people 
settle and grow up and intermarry with the inhabitants of the 
islands. Free schools, free religion, free thought, may in time 
bring self-reliance and a feeling of independence even with these 
inferior races. American industry and commerce are great civil¬ 
izers. To absorb and incorporate these people, however, into our 
system and to make them truly members of our republic will 
require a long process of reconstruction. In some form or other 
local government must be established. Though, doubtless, it will 
be very many years be’fore the New England town meeting can be 
introduced, still we have faith that with time some plan embracing 
the elements of self-government may be adopted. 

How about the Philippines? They are situated about seven 
thousand miles from San Francisco and in another hemisphere. 
There are some twelve hundred islands. In area they are about 
three times as large as New York. They lie in a tropical zone— 
within a few degrees of the equator. The climate is hot and 
unhealthful. The white race cannot thrive there. They are 
inhabited by from seven and a half to ten millions of people, from 
a low to the very lowest order of intelligence. There are a few 
vSpaniards ; the great bulk belong to the impossible Asiatic races, 
Malays, Chinese, Japanese, Kanakas, and in the unexplored 
regions, there is a huge mass of untamed blacks where Darwin 
might easily find his missing link. These native tribes of negritos 
that fill many of the islands are small physically and mentally, 
about four feet eight inches in height, and devoid of all intelligence 
and never heard either of Spain or the United States. There are 
about two or three millions of these autochthones. They are 
savages dwelling in the mountain fastnesses and forest regions of 
the interior. They are pagan. There are two or three millions 
more of the criss-crossed mixed bloods. They are pagan and 
Mohammedan. In Luzone and other islands there are many 
Christianized natives and Malays ruled by priestly orders. 


What are we to do with all these? To the extent that Spain, 
since Magellan set foot on the islands, has rnled them at all, it 
has been misrule and oppression for more than 300 years. Then 
among themselves there has been chronic dissension and prolonged 
internecine and bloody strife that has produced embittered and 
deep-seated hatreds between the tribes and the races which have 
been inherited from generation to generation. 

W' hat kind of an American state could be carved out of this 
hodgepodge? Would it be pagan, or Moslem, or Christian? 
\\Ould a V ermont March Meeting be an. eminent success there ? 
If never a vState, do we want vassals? Do we want tribute-bear¬ 
ing dependencies? 

We are playing with great forces that may shape our own and 
the world’s future. Doubtless, our people have the ability and 
the boundless courage not onl}' to govern themselves but to govern 
others, and, contrary to all our traditions, by extra-constitutional 
means we may rule the Philippines as England rules India, as 
Russia rules the Khanates. This would be a severe wrench to our 
Constitution and a departure from our American ideals. The 
problem that faces us for solution is a far greater one than the 
unjust rule of Spain in Cuba. That is to set up and maintain a 
stalde government in a neighboring island. This is whether we 
shall have a dual system ; the one a representative republic, founded 
upon the consent of the governed ; the other a government of the 
few over the many. Whether we shall engraft on our homogeneous 
American Union of independent States in this hemisphere, a 
heterogeneous world-wide empire of colonies in another hemisphere. 
Wdiether we shall work out merely a compact unification of a 
magnificent continental domain with its island fringes in the tem¬ 
perate zone peopled by the higher races, or take on also a ramifi¬ 
cation of distant island dependencies in the tropics with inferior 
and subject races for assimilation. 

If the hand of a Higher Power directed our fleet to Manila 
Pay, if it was decreed that the boom of Dewey’s cannon should 
drown the \'oices of the earlier and the later fathers of the Republic, 
if it be our duty and our destiny to assume this new responsil)ility, 
our people will have the capacity and the courage to undertake the 
task. But it is Britain’s system, not America’s, and to England, 
the Mother of Colonies, must we go for instruction and example. 


W c must establish a colonial system and ha\’e a permanent colonial 
policy, not subject to change every four years. Wc must organize 
a bureau with a colonial secretary at Washington to maintain con¬ 
stant supervision over distant possessions, whose department shall 
embrace the general management of the affairs of these outlying 
provinces, \vith full power to decide at once e^■erv cpiestion, hpw- 
ever momentous, that may arise in the administration of an\' colon}'. 
W e must inaugurate an elevated ci^ il service. We must raise up 
a class of highly-trained young men, especially educated and fitted 
as governors and administrators. In the appointment to these 
positions partisan politics should not be permitted easily to enter, 
and the terms of the appointees should be for a long series of years 
or during good behavior. Nothing but a firm hand, the largest 
statesmanship and incorruj^tible patriotism can prevent these dis¬ 
tant dependencies from becoming the political plague spots of the 
nation. In each colony we must have an adec[uate standing army 
subject at all times to the call of the governor. In this way we 
may assure to these peoples thus become the wards of this nation 
and under its paternal care, an enlargement of the blessings of es¬ 
sential liberty and local privilege up to the limit of their receptive 
powers. We may give a helping hand even to these benighted 
races. Not our aggrandizement, however, but their permanent 
well-being must be our aim. As Senator Hoar says, if our flag is 
to go there it must go as an emblem of their liberty, not of our 
dominion. Our spirit must enter into them, not theirs into us. 
d'hese new duties and new obligations will give ample scope for 
the exercise of the most enlightened and most advanced statesman¬ 
ship, and give full play to the expansive spirit of Anglo-Saxon 
adventure, always ambitious to do the outdoor work of the world. 

The Paris Commission in the first instance must work out these 
problems, but whatever the outcome, history will forget the cause 
of the vSpanish war in the result. The new epoch in our national 
life will overshadow all the incidents of the war. The closing 
years of the 19th century witness the young Republic of the \\ est 
entering upon a new and a broader career of progress and accom- 
j^lishment. All at once we are lifted to a loftier plane of world 
influence and elevated to the front rank of the nations and the Old 
World powers recognize as their peer the robust and growing giant 
of the New World. The opening years of the 20th century wel- 


23 


come iis to a wider arena and a grander future of peacefnl achieve¬ 
ment. We see this people with gigantic strides midtiplying in 
numbers, growing in wealth, in a fnller knowledge of the sciences, 
in all the arts of enlightenment. 3 Ve see the l)nilding and com¬ 
pletion under governmental auspices of the Nicaragua Canal, thus 
binding together onr Atlantic and Pacific coasts. We see a great 
and growing navy commensurate with our international position 
and large enough and strong enough to command the respect of 
the other powers, and to ensure lasting peace. We see our mer¬ 
chant marine traversing all the waters of the globe and swarming 
in the harbors of all lands and rivaling England in the carrying 
trade of the world. We see onr flag floating above ample naval 
stations and coaling ports dotting every ocean, and the sun of 
heaven greeting Freedom’s banner during every hour of every rev¬ 
olution of the round earth. We see in the long years of the 
future the onward and outward march of the forces of civilization 
with America by the side of Britain, and the Stars and Stripes 
and the Union Jack interwoven, full high advanced at the head 
of the columns of these leaders of nations, in the mighty 
contest between the Anglo-Saxon and the Slav for the supremacy 
of this w'orld. 

All these achievements lie legitimately and logically within the 
pathway of onr national destiny. lUit the sublime purposes of tlie 
Republic as conceived l')y its immortal founders should not be ob¬ 
scured bv the sudden impulse of the hour in a delirium of terri¬ 
torial conquest or commercial aggrandizement, nor yet by a 
misguided sentimentalism toward a semi-barbaroiis population of 
a remote Asiatic archipelago. Our primary duty is to ourselves 
and to onr posteritv, and if we justly perform that duty we shall 
transmit unimpaired to onr children and to the world the price¬ 
less institutions which, through so much struggle and sacrifice, 
have been bequeathed to ns. \Ve should resolutely shun everv 
innovation or doubtful experiment wdiich may tend to undermine 
the foundations on which they rest. To maintain a watchful 
\ igilance is the sacred and paramount obligation imposed by the 
guardianship entrusted to the present generation, to the end that 
this government, thus far led by the unerring hand of Providence, 
shall not perish from the earth. 






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THE SPANISH WAR. 


AN ADDRESS 

Before the Reunion Society of Vermont Officers, at Montpelier, 
October 26, J898* 


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